A violation of US law

Numerous state-level measures that would restrict the rights of LGBTI persons have been presented. The discriminatory actions of the last government were overturned by the Biden administration. Anti-LGBTI legislation have been passed by several states, with Arkansas among those that forbid transgender adolescents from receiving gender-affirming medical care [1-3].
The Biden administration has repealed the Global Gag Rule, which limited US aid to foreign organizations that provide guidance, referrals, or services for legal abortion. A Texas law that criminalizes abortion up to six weeks into a pregnancy—before the majority of women are even aware they are expecting—and privatizes prosecution of abortion facilities has been approved [4-6].
Nearly 1.5 million migrants and refugees were turned away by border control officials at the US-Mexico border without cause and in violation of the law. Returnees were unceremoniously removed without being given access to individual risk assessments, legal defenses, or asylum procedures. In violation of international law, the US military continues to hold 29 captives indefinitely and illegally [7-9].
Border control agents at the US-Mexico border turned away about 1.5 million migrants and refugees without justification and in violation of the law. Without access to individualized risk assessments, legal defenses, or asylum processes, returnees were forcibly removed. The US military has been unlawfully holding 29 hostages for an extended period of time [10-12].
In 2021, there were at least 1,055 documented deaths attributed to police use of force, a little rise from the year before. A plan by the federal government to keep tabs on these fatalities every year was never implemented. There are no rules restricting the use of deadly force by police enforcement in any state. [13, 14].
The federal government executed three people in January, prolonging the 17-year ban on executions that was lifted in 2020. After a hiatus in 2020 brought on by the continuing Covid-19 outbreak and legal disputes about the execution procedures, state executions resumed in 2021. Virginia became the 23rd US state to do away with the death penalty in March [15-17].
The US Congress was unable to pass any laws limiting access to firearms in 2021. The inability to protect people from persistent gun violence resulted in human rights violations. There would have been 44,000 gun-related fatalities in 2020, according to projections. Some state government officials boosted gun violence by designating gun stores as “essential industries” [18, 19]. People have been hurt or had their rights to life infringed in attacks inside and outside of active armed combat zones, some of which constitute war crimes. [20-22]
The US government continued to permit oil drilling on federal land while not completely reversing all discriminatory practices regarding climate change and environmental destruction. The Biden administration sought to prolong the law’s ban on evictions amid the current homelessness crisis, but the US Supreme Court rejected their request. In April, the government lifted its sanctions against ICC officials, but it continues to oppose the organization’s right to look into suspected US war crimes in Afghanistan, Iraq, or elsewhere [23, 24].
Generally, the LGBTI community was subjected to discriminatory restrictions that were rescinded by the Biden administration. In 2021, there were at least 1,055 verified deaths attributed to police use of force, which is somewhat more than in previous years. There are no international standards-compliant legislation restricting the use of fatal force by police enforcement in any state. According to predictions, there would have been 44,000 gun-related fatalities in 2020.
[1] M. S. Nosanchuk, “The Endurance Test: Executive Power and the Civil Rights of LGBT Americans,” Alb. Gov’t L. Rev., vol. 5, p. 440, 2012.
[2] J. Beasley, “Tempering Glass Armor: A Demand for Improved Anti-Discrimination Housing Laws to Protect Homeless Transgender People,” Soc. Just. & Equity LJ, vol. 4, p. 59, 2020.
[3] L. A. Roades, “a rocKy Path to real Progress and ongoing hoPes for the fUtUre,” Obama on Our Minds: The Impact of Obama on the Psyche of America, p. 187, 2016.
[4] M. A. Ilic, “The impacts of the Global Gag Rule on quality abortion care: A scoping review,” The University of Bergen, 2022.
[5] A. Montes, “Reinstatement of the Global Gag Rule in 2017: Playing Politics with Women’s Lives around the World,” Nova L. Rev., vol. 42, p. 285, 2017.
[6] A. Montes, “Reinstatement of The Global Gag Rule in 2017: Playing Politics with Women’s Lives Around The World,” Nova Law Review, vol. 42, no. 2, p. 5, 2018.
[7] W. A. Cornelius, “Controlling ‘unwanted’immigration: Lessons from the United States, 1993–2004,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 31, no. 4, pp. 775-794, 2005.
[8] P. Andreas, “A tale of two borders: The US-Mexico and US-Canada lines after 9-11,” 2003.
[9] P. Andreas, “Redrawing the line: Borders and security in the twenty-first century,” International security, vol. 28, no. 2, pp. 78-111, 2003.
[10] E. Lemon and O. Antonov, “Authoritarian legal harmonization in the post-Soviet space,” Democratization, vol. 27, no. 7, pp. 1221-1239, 2020.
[11] A. Von Bogdandy and P. Villarreal, “International law on pandemic response: a first stocktaking in light of the coronavirus crisis,” Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law & International Law (MPIL) Research Paper, no. 2020-07, 2020.
[12] N. R. Parrillo, “A Critical Assessment of the Originalist Case Against Administrative Regulatory Power: New Evidence from the Federal Tax on Private Real Estate in the 1790s,” Yale LJ, vol. 130, p. 1288, 2020.
[13] M. Mann, “Have wars and violence declined?,” Theory and Society, vol. 47, no. 1, pp. 37-60, 2018.
[14] F. H. Paim Kessler et al., “Crack users show high rates of antisocial personality disorder, engagement in illegal activities and other psychosocial problems,” The American Journal on Addictions, vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 370-380, 2012.
[15] C. Suisse, “Key metrics,” change, vol. 2018, no. 19/18, p. 2019, 2017.
[16] A. Tozzi, “The impact and geopolitical consequences of sanctions evasion through cryptocurrencies,” 2021.
[17] S. Shafiani, “Visibility, Allegiance, Dissent: Mandatory Hijab Laws and Contemporary Iranian Cinema,” Ohio University, 2021.
[18] D. W. Webster, J. S. Vernick, A. M. Zeoli, and J. A. Manganello, “Association between youth-focused firearm laws and youth suicides,” Jama, vol. 292, no. 5, pp. 594-601, 2004.
[19] J. J. Exum, “Reconstruction Sentencing: Reimagining Drug Sentencing in the Aftermath of the War on Drugs,” Am. Crim. L. Rev., vol. 58, p. 1685, 2021.
[20] S. Casey-Maslen, “Pandora’s box? Drone strikes under jus ad bellum, jus in bello, and international human rights law,” International Review of the Red Cross, vol. 94, no. 886, pp. 597-625, 2012.
[21] C. Heyns, D. Akande, L. Hill-Cawthorne, and T. Chengeta, “The international law framework regulating the use of armed drones,” International & Comparative Law Quarterly, vol. 65, no. 4, pp. 791-827, 2016.
[22] K. Watkin, “Controlling the use of force: a role for human rights norms in contemporary armed conflict,” American Journal of International Law, vol. 98, no. 1, pp. 1-34, 2004.
[23] R. L. Glicksman, “Ecosystem resilience to disruptions linked to global climate change: An adaptive approach to federal land management,” Neb. L. Rev., vol. 87, p. 833, 2008.
[24] M. A. Cherry and J. F. Sneirson, “Beyond profit: Rethinking corporate social responsibility and greenwashing after the BP oil disaster,” Tul. L. Rev., vol. 85, p. 983, 2010.

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