Democrats claim that minority rule is increasingly taking over American democracy.
The political tradition in the United States upholds majority rule with minorities’ rights. However, some question if America is moving closer to minority control. According to the Constitution, every state receives two senators, whether it has 1 million or 30 million residents. If demographic trends continue, only 30 senators will be able to represent 70% of the country by 2040 [1, 2].
Republican Brad Smith, a conservative, claims that the system has performed admirably. He claims that a small population of 300,000 in Wyoming has more influence than tens of millions in California or New York. This, according to Wegman, was not the intention of the Constitution’s Framers. The size of the largest state is 70 times that of the smallest [3].
By using partisan gerrymandering, one party can create district boundaries that strengthen its control over the state legislature. For instance, the map that was created in North Carolina handed Republicans 10 of the state’s 13 congressional districts. More districts would increase representation, according to reformers, making the system more equitable [4, 5].
Although there are rights for the minority, majority rule is upheld by American tradition. Whether we’re heading toward minority government is one concern. Many members of both parties believe the system is unfair to them for a variety of reasons. Democrats claim that a system intended to defend the interests of smaller states has devolved into partisanship in the Senate [6, 7].
(By 2040, if population trends continue, 70% of Americans will be represented by just 30 senators. Right now, the Senate is split evenly in half, but the 50 Democratic senators represent 41.5 million more people than the 50 Republican senators. That has implications for the filibuster, where a party that represents a shrinking minority of voters can block almost all major legislation [8, 9].
The largest state is 70 times bigger than the smallest; in Wyoming, a few hundred thousand individuals have the same amount of influence as tens of millions in California or New York. One party may rig election results by using gerrymandering to obtain control of state legislatures like Wisconsin’s. For instance, the map that was created handed Republicans 10 of of the state’s 13 congressional districts in North Carolina. Partisan gerrymandering has undergone reform. In certain states, neutral redistricting commissions have been established, while in others, the opposing party is given more say [10, 11].
Reformers contend that adding more districts and increasing representation would result in a more equitable structure. According to Brad Smith, all of the changes the Democrats want to make to the laws regulating representation may have unforeseen effects [12-14].
According to Mara Liasson, the majority of voters in both parties believe that the system is unfair to them for various reasons. According to her, the population is evolving and becoming younger, browner, more feminine, and more single. In order to ensure they obtain more seats in the state legislature or in the house of representatives, Republicans are manipulating legislation governing the drafting of district borders [15].
Generally, some people wonder if minority domination is becoming more prevalent in America. No matter how many citizens a state has—1 million or 30 million—it is guaranteed two senators. By 2040, only 30 senators will be able to adequately represent 70% of the nation if population trends continue. Reformers claim that a more egalitarian system would arise from the addition of additional districts and greater representation.
References
[1] H. J. Spaeth and J. A. Segal, Majority rule or minority will: Adherence to precedent on the US Supreme Court. Cambridge University Press, 2001.
[2] R. A. Dahl, How democratic is the American Constitution? Yale University Press, 2003.
[3] C. B. Manaseri, Keeping school: One-room schoolhouse preservation projects in the greater Finger Lakes region of New York State. Syracuse University, 2004.
[4] A. Khokher, “Free and equal elections: A new state constitutionalism for partisan gerrymandering,” Colum. Hum. Rts. L. Rev., vol. 52, p. 1, 2020.
[5] E. J. Engstrom, Partisan gerrymandering and the construction of American democracy. University of Michigan Press, 2013.
[6] M. S. Williams, Voice, trust, and memory: Marginalized groups and the failings of liberal representation. Princeton University Press, 2000.
[7] A. Shachar, Multicultural jurisdictions: Cultural differences and women’s rights. Cambridge University Press, 2001.
[8] P. S. Berman, N. Mehrotra, and K. Sadasivan, “Democracy and Demography,” GWU Legal Studies Research Paper, no. 36, 2022.
[9] D. Froomkin and A. M. Froomkin, “Fixing the Senate,” University of Miami Legal Studies Research Paper, no. 3797782, 2021.
[10] L. B. Finer and S. K. Henshaw, “Abortion incidence and services in the United States in 2000,” Perspectives on sexual and reproductive health, vol. 35, no. 1, pp. 6-15, 2003.
[11] D. Morris, “Direct democracy and the Internet,” Loy. LAL Rev., vol. 34, p. 1033, 2000.
[12] B. A. Smith, “Faulty assumptions and undemocratic consequences of campaign finance reform,” Yale LJ, vol. 105, p. 1049, 1995.
[13] B. A. Smith, “Some Problems with Taxpayer-Funded Political Campaigns,” University of Pennsylvania Law Review, vol. 148, no. 2, pp. 591-628, 1999.
[14] A. Fung and E. O. Wright, “Deepening democracy: Innovations in empowered participatory governance,” Politics & society, vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 5-41, 2001.
[15] S. Ackerman, “The most biased name in news: Fox News Channel’s extraordinary right-wing tilt’,” A special FAIR report. Available on-line: http://www. fair. org/extra/0108/Fox-main. html, 2001.