Discrimination against   black people hair style in USA

At Baltimore’s Diaspora Salon in 2020, a salon owner styles a customer’s hair.
Black Americans experienced shame and prejudice due to their natural hair for a very long time before protective hairstyles like braids, twists, or dreadlocks were fashionable. Black people have frequently been required by employers to change or cut their hair, or they have been dismissed for resisting. This year, several states are debating legislation that would prohibit hair discrimination in employment or educational settings [1-3].
The U.S. Senate is debating a bill that would outlaw discrimination against people who wear their hair naturally. The House of Representatives approved the CROWN Act, also known as the Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair Act, in March. People can still lose their jobs for having natural hair until this becomes a law [4-6].
According to research by Stateline and the National Conference of State Legislatures, 12 states are exploring similar legislation this year. Three state proposals were not successful in getting out of committee; other measures are currently pending [7, 8]. According to the bill’s proponent, African Americans are already protected as a protected class under laws against racial discrimination in hiring. This year, the legislation was revived in a House committee and adopted by a body that was under Republican control [9, 10].
The Massachusetts House Speaker expresses alarm over the possibility of laws banning dreadlocks being passed in more states. She points to cries for racial justice after the death of George Floyd and the U.S. Army’s 2017 decision to relax its ban on dreadlocks as causes for the rise in interest in legislation [11].
Michelle O’Brien-Richardson, who has spent more than 10 years studying the connection between racial discrimination and hair discrimination, is the author of the National Hair-Grooming Law. She remembered reading in December 2018 about the black high school wrestler from New Jersey named Andrew Johnson, who was instructed to remove his dreadlocks before the competition or forfeit. She observed neighborhood people of both races uniting to support Johnson and against grooming traditions [12, 13].
The CROWN Act, which forbade the shaving off of hair extensions, went into force at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. Six months later, California became the first state to outlaw racial hair discrimination by passing a law. O’Brien-Richardson claims that this is the point at which things started to get so bad that society finally said, “Enough is enough.” [14, 15].
Legislation that would have made it unlawful to discriminate against people who have natural hairstyles was passed by Massachusetts lawmakers. The bill was approved by the state House, and a Senate committee also gave it a favorable report  [16, 17]. 
A measure allowing pupils to wear their hair in its natural condition has been submitted by a state senator in the United States. Similar legislation was proposed in the prior three years, but it was never successful. According to Randolph Bracy, some MPs believe they should be entitled to establish their own guidelines regarding the length of schoolchildren’s hair [18-20].
In summary, Legislation that would ban hair discrimination in workplace or educational settings is being debated in a number of jurisdictions. Before protective hairstyles like braids, twists, or dreadlocks became popular, black Americans endured humiliation and discrimination because of their natural hair. Some legislators argue that they ought to have the authority to choose their own requirements for schoolchildren’s hair length.
[1] D. W. Greene, “Splitting hairs: The Eleventh Circuit’s take on workplace bans against Black women’s natural hair in EEOC v. Catastrophe Management Solutions,” U. Miami L. Rev., vol. 71, p. 987, 2016.
[2] B. Ransby, Eslanda: The large and unconventional life of Mrs. Paul Robeson. Haymarket Books, 2022.
[3] D. W. Greene, “Black women can’t have blonde hair in the workplace,” J. Gender Race & Just., vol. 14, p. 405, 2010.
[4] P. Zha et al., “Utilizing a mobile health intervention to manage hypertension in an underserved community,” Western journal of nursing research, vol. 42, no. 3, pp. 201-209, 2020.
[5] G. Dawson and K. Karl, “I am not my Hair, or am I? Examining Hair Choices of Black Female Executives,” Journal of Business Diversity, vol. 18, no. 2, 2018.
[6] J. W. Hughes and J. J. Seneca, “Demographic, Economics, and Housing Demand,” Rutgers Regional Report, vol. 29, pp. 1-12, 2012.
[7] C. H. Ripple, W. S. Gilliam, N. Chanana, and E. Zigler, “Will fifty cooks spoil the broth? The debate over entrusting Head Start to the states,” American Psychologist, vol. 54, no. 5, p. 327, 1999.
[8] S. Rose and C. J. Bowling, “The state of American federalism 2014–15: Pathways to policy in an era of party polarization,” Publius: The Journal of Federalism, vol. 45, no. 3, pp. 351-379, 2015.
[9] G. A. Tarr, Understanding state constitutions. Princeton University Press, 2000.
[10] C. Phillips, Freedom’s Port: The African American Community of Baltimore, 1790-1860. University of Illinois Press, 1997.
[11] S. F. Aziz, The Racial Muslim: When Racism Quashes Religious Freedom. Univ of California Press, 2021.
[12] P. O’Brien-Richardson, “Hair harassment in urban schools and how it shapes the physical activity of Black adolescent girls,” The Urban Review, vol. 51, no. 3, pp. 523-534, 2019.
[13] P. O’Brien-Richardson, ““Mane” taining: How Black Adolescent Girls Maintain Their Cultural Hair Practices in Physical Education Class,” Journal of Physical Activity and Health, vol. 18, no. 8, pp. 981-987, 2021.
[14] J. Fields, An intimate affair: women, lingerie, and sexuality. Univ of California Press, 2007.
[15] M. Marable, Living Black history: How reimagining the African-American past can remake America’s racial future. Civitas Books, 2006.
[16] M. Henderson, “Re: MA Senate Bills S. 994, S. 1049 and House Bill H. 1907,” 2021.
[17] M. J. Aaronson et al., “For our patients, not for profits: A call to action,” JAMA, vol. 278, no. 21, p. 1738, 1997.
[18] R. Bracy III, A. B. Asamoah, D. Green, and D. Wigley, “Video: No, You Can’t Touch My Hair: The Importance, Necessity, and Controversy of the CROWN Act,” 2020.
[20] W. Darity Jr, A. K. Mullen, and M. Slaughter, “The Cumulative Costs of Racism and the Bill for Black Reparations,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 36, no. 2, pp. 99-122, 2022.

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