The Impact of Abortion on the Black Community

Approximately 63 million infants have been terminated in clinics across the country since Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973. The catastrophic results of this primarily surgical and occasionally chemical practice have affected every town, city, ethnicity, and age group. There is no reason, according to Dr. Alveda King, for treating people who appear different as inferior creatures [1, 2].
Black community leaders claim that “predatory objectives and actions of the abortion industry” have been perpetrated against black women. The states and Congress are urged to take action to safeguard unborn children of all races. President Star Parker: Abortion is not the method to increase Black communities’ access to healthcare [3-5].
There are 335 abortions performed on black women in the United States for every 1,000 live births, which is the highest abortion rate in the country. Black women are more likely to have abortions than white women, by a large margin. There are several abortion facilities in and near minority neighborhoods, which is a big contributing factor [6, 7].
Support for organizations such as Planned Parenthood diminishes and denigrates the concept of natural rights. Abortion being a cultural norm is detrimental to the rights that the elderly and the disabled have by nature. Abortion has been used by Planned Parenthood as a population-control strategy. The powerful have the power and will to determine that some people no longer have these rights [8, 9].
Margaret Sanger was a prominent advocate and campaigner for birth control among black people and other groups she deemed undesirable. In order to get minority women to utilize birth control, Sanger enlisted the help of black preachers. She claimed she preferred the Malthusian perspective on contraception and that it “aims to bring into the production of the next generation of American citizens.”[10, 11].
The justifications put out by pro-abortion organizations play on the concerns of certain black individuals who think that being denied access to abortions is somehow discriminatory. To convince the black population that abortion is an effective form of birth control, Margaret Sanger’s group has recruited credible individuals [12-14].
By claiming a “right to choose,” pro-abortion proponents undercut the idea of a natural right, according to William Saunders. Saunders: The church establishment also underwent a shift during this time toward moral relativism. With a 57% slave population, South Carolina has the highest per-capita slave population [15, 16].
Children’s remains were stored by Gosnell in milk jugs, enormous soft drink bottles, and juice bottles. Two months later, a jury convicted Gosnell guilty on three charges of murder. People who worked there have reported anecdotes that show the number of killings and unlawful abortions was significantly higher than could be adequately documented [17, 18].
CURE and its supporters have continued to promote pro-life legislation. Gosnell’s atrocities were committed with little oversight from the government. The born-alive bill was originally approved by President George W. Bush. It is against the law to murder infants delivered through late-term treatments [19, 20].
In summary, The highest abortion rate in the nation is 335 abortions on black women for every 1,000 live births. Planned Parenthood has utilized abortion as a method of population control. Congress and the states are asked to act to protect unborn infants of all races. CURE and its backers have persisted in advocating for pro-life legislation. Gosnell kept the remnants of the children in milk jugs, huge soft drink bottles, and juice bottles. Anecdotes from those who worked at Gosnell’s clinics indicate that there were substantially more homicides and illegal abortions than is generally believed. Robert Franks edited Margaret Sanger’s Eugenic Legacy: The Control of Female Fertility, which was released by McFarland in 2005.
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[11] A. Franks, Margaret Sanger’s Eugenic Legacy: The Control of Female Fertility. McFarland, 2005.
[12] D. Szelewa, “When Family Policy Doesn’t Work: Motives and Welfare Attitudes Among Childfree Persons in Poland,” Social Inclusion, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 194-205, 2022.
[13] D. A. Stone, “Causal stories and the formation of policy agendas,” Political science quarterly, vol. 104, no. 2, pp. 281-300, 1989.
[14] B. Hartmann, Reproductive rights and wrongs: the global politics of population control. South End Press, 1995.
[15] M. Goodwin, “The Thirteenth Amendment: Modern Slavery, Capitalism, and Mass Incarceration,” Cornell L. Rev., vol. 104, p. 899, 2018.
[16] R. A. Rossum, “The Irony of Constitutional Democracy: Federalism, the Supreme Court, and the Seventeenth Amendment,” San Diego L. Rev., vol. 36, p. 671, 1999.
[17] T. Tomeo, Extreme Makeover: Women Transformed by Christ, Not Conformed to the Culture. Ignatius Press, 2011.
[18] S. O. Nuallain, “Parallel Irelands: The Disenchantment and Re-Enchantment of IONA,” Cosmos and History: The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy, vol. 13, no. 3, pp. 466-659, 2017.
[19] C. Bryson, A. Légier, and A. Ribieras, “Mapping the Landscapes of Abortion, Birth Control, and Power in the United States: Body Politics since the 1960s.”
[20] S. Rose and G. Goelzhauser, “The State of American Federalism 2017–2018: Unilateral executive action, regulatory rollback, and state resistance,” Publius: The Journal of Federalism, vol. 48, no. 3, pp. 319-344, 2018.

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