U.S   Black Civil Rights law

Black Americans’ civil rights, according to 59% of American adults, have improved throughout time. In 2011, during Barack Obama’s first term as president, a record-breaking 89 percent of people agreed with this statement. Compared to 13% a decade ago, fewer Americans today believe that Black adults’ civil rights in the US have greatly improved [1, 23, 4].
The lowest recorded percentage of Americans, believe that Black Americans’ civil rights have improved throughout their lifetime. Americans’ perceptions of the development of civil rights began to decline in 2015 after many cases in which Black males were killed by White police officers. During the first year of Barack Obama’s presidency, 2011, a record-high 89 percent of respondents shared this viewpoint [5, 6].
Americans are now less inclined than they were a few years ago to believe that Black Americans’ civil rights have improved. The belief that new civil rights legislation are required to lessen prejudice is more prevalent among Americans. It’s uncertain whether Congress will try again to enact a measure this year. The percentages indicating that prospects are favorable for people of both races are at their lowest level in decades [7].
The most recent data comes from a nationally representative poll conducted between June 8 and July 24 that included an over-sample of Black Americans. Less than 40% of Black people feel that both racial groups have equal opportunities to receive a decent education, a job, or affordable housing, compared to majorities of White adults [8-10].
A record low percentage of Americans now believe that Black and White children have comparable chances of receiving a quality education. Currently, 38 percent of Black adults and 65 percent of White people believe that both racial groups’ children have equal possibilities. These values are 10 and 11 points lower than those previously recorded for these categories [11, 12].
According to the Pew Research Center’s 2013/14 American Community Survey, Americans’ attitudes of racial equality in education among all U.S. adults, White adults, and Black adults are at their lowest points ever [13].
According to Gallup, Americans’ perceptions of job market equality are at their lowest point in more than 40 years. Compared to their opinions on racial fairness in school, Americans’ attitudes of racial equality in employment chances are less favorable. The majority of Americans—58 percent—believe that Black and White individuals have equal odds of landing any sort of employment for which they are qualified. During the civil rights movement, in June 1963, this reading was lower [14-16].
In general, 58 percent of Americans believe that adults of both races have an equal opportunity to find employment for which they are qualified. The first Gallup reading at the height of the civil rights movement was far lower, at 39%. The likelihood that white individuals will claim that there is racial equality in employment is double that of black adults [14, 17].
When it came to housing options, both racial groups were judged to have equal access by 68% of American people in 1989. Up until 2016, when it decreased to 70%, this number varied between 72% and 83%. Americans in general believe that adults of both races have an equal chance of finding affordable housing, with 63 percent agreeing. The percentage of Black adults who believe there is racial equality in housing is 38%, compared to 2/3 of White adults [18, 19].
Adults of color are more likely than whites to believe that chances for Black Americans are unfairly distributed. Researchers believe these changes in perception may reflect a growing understanding of systematic racial injustices in the United States [20, 21].
The survey also looks at health and wellness, with a particular emphasis on healthcare access and standard of service. The perspectives on economic institutions and opportunities held by Black Americans, the possibility of intergenerational mobility, and the availability of tools for acquiring financial literacy are some of the subjects covered in this research. The study also looks at how unequal access to education impacts American students’ academic performance, retention and graduation rates, and preparedness for college or careers [22, 23].
[1] A. S. Noonan, H. E. Velasco-Mondragon, and F. A. Wagner, “Improving the health of African Americans in the USA: an overdue opportunity for social justice,” Public health reviews, vol. 37, no. 1, pp. 1-20, 2016.
[2] G. LaFree, Losing legitimacy: Street crime and the decline of social institutions in America. Routledge, 2018.
[3] G. Orfield, “Schools more separate: Consequences of a decade of resegregation,” 2001.
[4] S. Moyn, The last utopia: human rights in history. Harvard University Press, 2012.
[5] M. Alexander, “The new jim crow,” Ohio St. J. Crim. L., vol. 9, p. 7, 2011.
[6] J. Forman Jr, “Racial critiques of mass incarceration: Beyond the new Jim Crow,” NYUL Rev., vol. 87, p. 21, 2012.
[7] K. Stainback and D. Tomaskovic-Devey, Documenting desegregation: Racial and gender segregation in private sector employment since the Civil Rights Act. Russell Sage Foundation, 2012.
[8] C. E. Sleeter, “How white teachers construct race,” Race, identity and representation in education, pp. 157-171, 1993.
[9] A. S. Wells and R. L. Crain, Stepping over the color line: African-American students in white suburban schools. Yale University Press, 1997.
[10] G. Lipsitz, The possessive investment in whiteness: How white people profit from identity politics. Temple University Press, 2006.
[11] R. F. Ferguson, “Teachers’ perceptions and expectations and the Black-White test score gap,” Urban education, vol. 38, no. 4, pp. 460-507, 2003.
[12] M. I. Goran, G. D. Ball, and M. L. Cruz, “Obesity and risk of type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease in children and adolescents,” The Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism, vol. 88, no. 4, pp. 1417-1427, 2003.
[13] R. Morin, K. Parker, R. Stepler, and A. Mercer, “Behind the badge,” Pew Research Center, vol. 11, 2017.
[14] H. Schuman, C. Steeh, and L. Bobo, Racial attitudes in America: Trends and interpretations. Harvard University Press, 1985.
[15] B. I. Page and R. Y. Shapiro, The rational public: Fifty years of trends in Americans’ policy preferences. University of Chicago Press, 2010.
[16] M. J. Hetherington, Why trust matters: Declining political trust and the demise of American liberalism. Princeton University Press, 2005.
[17] A. Gallup, A. M. Gallup, and F. Newport, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 2005. Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.
[18] G. C. Jacobson and J. L. Carson, The politics of congressional elections. Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.
[19] J. R. Flynn, “Searching for justice: the discovery of IQ gains over time,” American psychologist, vol. 54, no. 1, p. 5, 1999.
[20] L. Bobo, J. R. Kluegel, and R. A. Smith, “Laissez-faire racism: The crystallization of a kinder, gentler, antiblack ideology,” Racial attitudes in the 1990s: Continuity and change, vol. 15, pp. 23-25, 1997.
[21] G. C. Loury and G. C. Loury, The anatomy of racial inequality. Harvard University Press, 2009.
[22] B. Israel, A. J. Schulz, E. A. Parker, and A. B. Becker, “Review of community-based research: assessing partnership approaches to improve public health,” Annual review of public health, vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 173-202, 1998.
[23] D. R. Williams and S. A. Mohammed, “Racism and health I: Pathways and scientific evidence,” American behavioral scientist, vol. 57, no. 8, pp. 1152-1173, 2013.

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